Adolf Hitler's Zweites Buch

Chapter 15: Summary

As a National Socialist, I see in Italy to begin with the first possible ally of Germany who can step out of the camp of the old coalition of enemies, without this alliance signifying an immediate war for Germany for which we are not equipped militarily. According to my conviction, this alliance will be of great benefit to Germany and Italy alike. Even if its direct benefit should ultimately no longer exist, it will never become detrimental, as long as both nations represent their interests in the highest sense of the word. As long as Germany views the maintenance of the freedom and independence of our Voelk as the supreme aim of her foreign policy and wants to secure this Voelk the prerequisite for its daily life, for so long will its foreign policy thinking be determined by our Voelk's territorial need. And for so long will we not be able to have any internal or external inducement to fall into enmity with a State which does not in the least stand obstructively in our way.

And as long as Italy wants to serve her real vital needs as a truly national State, for just so long will she, likewise attending to her territorial needs, have to base her political thought and action on the enlargement of Italian soil. The more proud and independent, the more national the Italian Voelk becomes, the less will it in its development ever come into conflict with Germany.

The areas of interest of these two countries, in a most fortunate way, lie so widely apart from each other that there are no natural areas of irritation.

A national conscious Germany and an equally proud Italy will also ultimately be able to close the wounds left behind by the World War in the understanding of their friendship based on their frank and mutual community of interests.

Southern Tyrol will thus some day have to fulfil a lofty mission in the service of both peoples. If the Italians and the Germans of this territory, once filled with a responsibility for their own Voelkdom, perceive and understand the great tasks that Italy and Germany have to solve, the petty disputes of the day will recede vis-à-vis the higher mission of building a bridge of frank, reciprocal understanding on the former borders of Germany and Italy.

I know that, under the current regimes in Germany, this is as exactly as impossible as it would be under a non Fascist regime in Italy. For the forces which determine German policy today do not desire any German resurgence, but our destruction. They likewise want the destruction of the present-day Italian Fascist State, and therefore will leave nothing untried in order to sink both nations into hate and hostility. France will seize upon any such manifestation, be it only an act of thoughtlessness, and use it to her own advantage with a thousand joys.

Only a National Socialist Germany will find the way to a final understanding with a Fascist Italy, and finally eliminate the danger of war between the two Voelk. For this old Europe was always a territory that was dominated by political systems, and this will not be otherwise at least for the humanly predictable future. General European democracy will either be replaced by a system of Jewish Marxist Bolshevism, to which all States will succumb one after the other, or by a system of free and unlinked national States, who, in the free play of forces, will set their stamp on Europe in accordance with the number and importance of their specific Voelkdom. It is also not good for Fascism to exist isolated in Europe as an idea. Either the world of ideas from which it stems is generalized, or Italy will one day again succumb to the general ideas of another Europe.

Thus, if we submit Germany's foreign policy possibilities to a closer examination, only two States remain in Europe as possible valuable allies for the future: Italy and England. Italy's relation to England itself is already a good one today, and, for reasons which I have discussed in another passage, will hardly be clouded in the immediate future. This, too, has nothing to do with mutual sympathies, but rests, on the Italian side above all, on a rational appraisal of the actual power relations. Thus an aversion to a boundless and unlimited French hegemony in Europe is common to both States. For Italy: because her most vital European interests are threatened; for England: because an over-powerful France in Europe can inflict a new threat on England's present-day naval and world supremacy which in itself is no longer completely unquestionable.

That already today probably Spain and Hungary are also to be reckoned as belonging to this community of interests, even if only tacitly, lies grounded in Spain's aversion to French colonial activity in North Africa, as well as in Hungary's hostility to Yugoslavia, which is at the same time supported by France.

If Germany would succeed in taking part in a new State coalition in Europe, which either must lead to a shift of emphasis in the League Of Nations itself, or allow decisive power factors altogether outside the League Of Nations to develop, then the first domestic political prerequisite for a later active foreign policy would be realizable. The state of disarmament imposed on us by the Versailles treaty and thus our practical defenselessness could come to an end, albeit slowly. This is possible only if the coalition of victors itself quarrels over this question, but never, however, in an alliance with Russia, let alone in a union with other so called oppressed nations, against the front of the coalition of the former victor States that encircle us.

Then in the far future it may be possible to think of a new association of nations, consisting of individual States with a high national value, which could then stand up to the threatening overwhelming of the world by the American Union. For it seems to me that the existence of English world rule inflicts less hardships on present-day nations than the emergence of an American world rule. Pan Europe cannot be summoned to the solution of this problem, but only a Europe with free and independent national States whose areas of interest are divergent and precisely delimited.

Only then can the time ripen for Germany, secured by a France pushed back within her own boundaries, and supported by her Army born anew, to lead the way toward the elimination of her territorial need. Once our Voelk, however, will have grasped this great geopolitical aim in the east, the consequence will not only be clarity regarding German foreign policy, but also stability, at least for a humanly predictable time, will make it possible to avoid political insanity’s like those which ultimately entangled our Voelk in the World War. And then we will also have ultimately overcome the period of this petty daily clamor and of the completely sterile economic and border policy.

Germany then, also domestically, will have to take steps toward the strongest concentration of her means of power. She will have to realize that armies and navies are set up and organized, not along romantic lines, but according to practical requirements. Then she will automatically select as our greatest task the formation of a superior strong Land Army, since our future as a matter of fact does not lie on the water, but in Europe rather.

Only if we will have completely perceived the meaning of this proposition and put an end to our Voelk's territorial need, in the east and on the largest scale, along the lines of this perception will German economy also cease to be a factor of world unrest which brings a thousand dangers down upon us. It will then at least serve the satisfaction of our domestic needs in their major aspects. A Voelk which no longer needs to shunt off its rising rural generations into the big cities as factory workers, but which instead can settle them as free peasants on their own soil, will open up a domestic sales market to German industry which can gradually remove and exempt it from the frenzied struggle and scramble for the so called place in the sun in the rest of the world.

It is the foreign policy task of the National Socialist Movement to prepare and ultimately to carry out this development. It must also place foreign policy in the service of the reorganization of our Voelkdom on the basis of its world view range of ideas. Even here it must anchor the principle that we do not fight for systems but for a living Voelk, that is, for flesh and blood, which must be preserved, and whose daily bread must not be lacking so that in consequence of its physical health it can also be healthy spiritually.

Just as it must step over a thousand obstacles, misunderstandings and malignity’s in its struggle for reform in its domestic policy, likewise in foreign policy must it also clear away not only the conscious betrayal of the country by Marxism, but also the rubbish heap of worthless, indeed harmful phrases and ideas of our national, bourgeois world. Thus the less understanding there will be for the significance of our struggle at the moment, all the more powerful will be its success some day.

Why Italy today can primarily be considered as an ally for Germany is connected with the fact that this country is the only one whose domestic and foreign policy is determined by purely Italian national interests. These Italian national interests are the only ones which do not contradict German interests, and, conversely, German interests do not run counter to them. And this is important not only for factual reasons, but also on the basis of the following:

The war against Germany was fought by an overpowering world coalition in which only a part of the States could have a direct interest in Germany's destruction. In not a few countries, the shift to war was brought by influences which in no way sprang from the real domestic interests of these nations, or even which could also be to their benefit. A monstrous war propaganda began to befog public opinion of these Voelks, and to stir them into enthusiasm for a war which for these very Voelks in part could not bring any gain at all, and indeed sometimes ran downright counter to their real interests.

International world Jewry was the power which instigated this enormous war propaganda. For as senseless as the participation in the War by many of these nations may have been, seen from the viewpoint of their own interests, it was just as meaningful and logically correct seen from the viewpoint of the interests of world Jewry. It is not my task here to enter into a discussion of the Jewish question as such. This cannot take place in the framework of a necessarily brief and compressed presentation. The following is said here only [so much] in the interests of a better understanding: Jewry is a Voelk with a racial core that is not wholly unitary. Nevertheless, as a Voelk, it has special intrinsic characteristics that separate it from all other Voelks living on the globe. Jewry is not a religious community, but the religious bond between Jews; rather is in reality the momentary governmental system of the Jewish Voelk. The Jew has never had a territorially bounded State of his own in the manner of Aryan States. Nevertheless, his religious community is a real State, since it guarantees the preservation, the increase and the future of the Jewish Voelk. But this is solely the task of the State. That the Jewish State is subject to no territorial limitation, as is the case with Aryan States, is connected with the character of the Jewish Voelk, which is lacking in the productive forces for the construction and preservation of its own territorial State.

Just as every Voelk as a basic tendency of all its Earthly actions possesses a mania for self preservation as its driving force, likewise is it exactly so with Jewry, too. Only here, in accord with their basically different dispositions, the struggle for existence of Aryan Voelks and Jewry is also different in its forms. The foundation of the Aryan struggle for life is the soil, which he cultivates, and which provides the general basis for an economy satisfying primarily its own needs within its own orbit through the productive forces of its own Voelk.

Because of the lack of productive capacities of its own, the Jewish Voelk cannot carry out the construction of a State, viewed in a territorial sense, but as a support of its own existence it needs the work and creative activities of other nations. Thus the existence of the Jew himself becomes a parasitical one within the lives of other Voelks. Hence the ultimate goal of the Jewish struggle for existence is the enslavement of productively active Voelks. In order to achieve this goal, which in reality has represented Jewry's struggle for existence at all times, the Jew makes use of all weapons that are in keeping with the whole complex of his character.
Therefore in domestic politics within the individual nations he fights first for equal rights and later for superior rights. The characteristics of cunning, intelligence, astuteness, knavery, dissimulation, and so on, rooted in the character of his Voelkdom, serve him as weapons thereto. They are as much stratagems in his war of survival as those of other Voelks in combat.

In foreign policy, he tries to bring nations into a state of unrest, to divert them from their true interests, and to plunge them into reciprocal wars, and in this way gradually rise to mastery over them with the help of the power of money and propaganda.

His ultimate goal is the denationalization, the promiscuous bastardization of other Voelks, the lowering of the racial levy of the highest Voelks, as well as the domination of this racial mishmash through the extirpation of the Voelkish intelligentsia and its replacement by the members of his own Voelk.

The end of the Jewish world struggle therefore will always be a bloody Bolshevization. In truth, this means the destruction of all the intellectual upper classes linked to their Voelks so that he can rise to become the master of a mankind become leaderless. Stupidity, cowardice and baseness, therefore, play into his hands. In bastards he secures for himself the first openings for the penetration of an alien nation.

Hence the result of Jewish domination is always the ruin of all culture, and finally the madness of the Jew himself. For he is a parasite of nations, and his victory signifies his own end as much as the death of his victim.

With the collapse of the ancient world, the Jews encountered young, in part still completely unspoiled, Voelks, sure in racial instinct, who protected themselves against being infiltrated by them. He was a foreigner, and all his lies and dissimulation helped him little for nearly one and a half thousand years.

It was the feudal domination and the government of the princes which first created a general situation which allowed him to attach himself to the struggle of an oppressed social class, indeed to make this struggle his own in a short time. He received civil equality with the French Revolution. With that the bridge was constructed over which he could stride to the conquest of political power within nations. The nineteenth century gave him a dominating position within the economy of nations through the building up of loan capital, based on ideas regarding interest. Finally, through the subterfuge of stock holdings, he placed himself in possession of a great part of the production sites, and with the help of the stock exchange he gradually became not only the ruler of public economic life, but ultimately also of political life. He supported this rule by means of the intellectual contamination of nations with the help of Freemasonry as well as by the work of the press become dependent upon him. He found the potential strength for the destruction of the bourgeois intellectual regime in the newly rising fourth estate of the handicraftsmen, just as once before the bourgeoisie had been the means for the demolition of feudal domination. At the same time, bourgeois stupidity and dishonest lack of principle, avarice and cowardice worked into his hands. He formed the vocational estate of the handicraftsmen into a special class, which he now allowed to take up the struggle against the national intelligentsia. Marxism became the spiritual father of the Bolshevik revolution. It is the weapon of terror which the Jew now applies ruthlessly and brutally. The economic conquest of Europe by the Jews was pretty much completed around the turn of the century, and now he began to safeguard it politically. That means, the first attempts to extirpate the national intelligentsia were undertaken in the form of revolutions.

He utilized the tensions between European nations, which are in great part to be ascribed to their general need for territory with the consequences which arise therefrom, for his own advantage by systematically inciting them to the World War.

The aim is the destruction of inherently anti Semitic Russia as well as the destruction of the German Reich which, in the administration and the Army, still offers resistance to the Jew. The further aim is the overthrow of those dynasties which had not yet been made subject to a democracy dependent upon and led by Jews.

This Jewish war aim has at least in part been completely achieved. Czarism and Kaiserism in Germany were eliminated. With the help of the Bolshevik Revolution, the Russian upper classes and also the Russian national intelligentsia were murdered and completely extirpated amid inhuman agonies and atrocities. For the Russian Voelk, the total number of victims of this Jewish struggle for hegemony in Russia amounted to 28-30 million people in number of dead. This is fifteen times more than the World War cost Germany. After the successful Revolution, he completely tore down [further] the bonds of order, of morality, of custom, and so on, abolished marriage as a lofty institution, and instead proclaimed a general copulation with the aim of breeding a general inferior human mishmash, by way of a chaotic bastardization, which by itself would be incapable of leadership and which ultimately would no longer be able to do without the Jews as its only intellectual element.

The future will show to what extent this has succeeded, and to what extent now forces of a natural reaction can still bring about a change of this most terrible crime of all times against mankind. At the moment, he exerts himself to lead the remaining States toward the same condition. Thereby he is supported and covered in his strivings and his actions by the bourgeois national parties of the so called National Fatherland Leagues, whereas Marxism, democracy, and the so called Christian Center, emerge as aggressive shock troops. The bitterest struggle for the victory of Jewry at the present time is being waged in Germany. Here it is the National Socialist Movement which alone has taken upon itself the struggle against this execrable crime against mankind.

In all European States at the moment, a struggle, in part quiet and violent, albeit often under wraps, is being waged for political power.

Outside Russia, this struggle has first been decided in France. There the Jew, favored by a number of circumstances, has entered into a community of interests with French national chauvinism. Since then Jewish stock exchanges and French bayonets have been allies. This struggle is undecided in England. There the Jewish invasion still meets with an old British tradition. The instincts of Anglo-Saxondom are still so sharp and alive that one cannot speak of a complete victory of Jewry, but rather, in part, the latter is still forced to adjust its interests to those of the English. If the Jew were to triumph in England, English interests would recede into the background, just as in Germany today German interests no longer are decisive, but rather Jewish interests. On the other hand, if the Briton triumphs, then a shift of England's attitude vis-à-vis Germany can still take place.

The struggle of Jewry for its hegemony is also decided in Italy. With the victory of Fascism in Italy, the Italian Voelk has triumphed. Even if the Jew is compelled to try to adjust himself to Fascism in Italy today, his attitude toward Fascism outside Italy nevertheless reveals his inner view of it. Only her own national interest is decisive and determining for Italy's fate, since the memorable day when the Fascist legions marched on Rome. The struggle of Jewry for its hegemony is also decided in Italy. With the victory of Fascism in Italy, the Italian Voelk has triumphed. Even if the Jew is compelled to try to adjust himself to Fascism in Italy today, his attitude toward Fascism outside Italy nevertheless reveals his inner view of it. Only her own national interest is decisive and determining for Italy's fate, since the memorable day when the Fascist legions marched on Rome.

For this reason also no State is better suited than Italy as an ally for Germany. It is consonant only with the bottomless stupidity and dissembling baseness of our so called Voelkish representatives that they reject the only State that today is ruled along national lines, and as authentic German Voelkish elements they prefer to enter a world coalition with Jews. It is fortunate that the time of these fools is played out in Germany. Thus the German Voelkish concept is released from the embrace of these creatures, as petty as they are pitiful. It will infinitely gain thereby.

1928

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